Help me write esl analysis essay on donald trump

Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by .4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by .9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by .6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by .9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by .4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or .9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by .2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or .7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by

Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An <b>analysis</b> of <b>Donald</b> <b>Trump</b>'s inaugural speech - The Boston Globe

An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Free donald trump Essays and Papers - At lunch, a fellow composition instructor and I wondered how to explain to our incoming freshman Trump’s appeal. In his speeches, Trump is so insistent on his claims and so dismissive of facts that he last month he made headlines when he claimed regret for sometimes saying “the wrong thing.”While it’s tempting to dismiss Trump’s rhetoric as a fluke, his apparent guiding principle—to never be wrong—is hardly unique to American politics, in which speakers must somehow both speak in sound-bitesized quotes and have perfectly consistent messaging. Further, this insistence on being right is at the heart of American argumentation itself, at least as it is taught in high school. Every fall at Columbia University, I sit down to a seminar table full of bright, thoughtful freshmen who have somehow come to believe that the goal of a written argument is to win a fight. They’ve gotten As and high SAT scores writing essays that aim to do just that. The problem is that these essays are not how professors actually want students to write, let alone how any of us should make a political argument. So as we launch into the school year, it’s worth asking how the Trumpian goal of winning has infected the American student essay and what we can do about it. Like many, I blame the five-paragraph essay, which has been drilled into students since homework was chalked onto slates. You probably remember from middle school how they go: To begin, make a debatable statement—this is your thesis and you will put it at the end of paragraph #1. Then, state three reasons why you are right, providing a paragraph of evidence for each. Conclude by restating your thesis, because you were right all along. College professors are not generally fond of the five-paragraph essay and its descendants—essays that, even if more complex, are still driven by a thesis that must be defended at all costs, including civility and really grappling with conflicting evidence. The tone of such an essay is best described by the words of my ninth-grade homeroom teacher: has an attitude problem. David Rosenwasser and Jill Stephen, authors of a widely taught composition textbook, argue that college freshman should move beyond the five-paragraph essay as soon as possible. My students, when so advised, often feel liberated but confused, if not justifiably betrayed: Is everything they’ve been taught about writing wrong? To begin, we need to define an argument as something more than a bombardment of reasons for why we are right. ) Wayne Booth wrote that rather than writing only “win rhetoric,” aimed to forcibly pull the listener to the speaker’s side, we should try out “listening rhetoric,” which deeply considers another point of view and counterarguments, no matter how disagreeable. We should also free the essay from its five-paragraph chains. As imagined by French Renaissance philosopher Montaigne, means “to try”—a writerly attitude I find inspirational. Rather than trying to fight for some impossible universal truth, it’s enough to explain your own interpretation of a subject, a thinking process often launched by your deep curiosity. Even in a formal academic essay, with its rigorous analysis of evidence, this is a useful position to try: to begin an argument not from “settled convictions,” as Rosenwasser and Stephen put it, but from uncertainty. In my experience, students with very different writing backgrounds have found this concept helpful, even liberating, because it means their newness to a subject can give them a real advantage: a fresh perspective and curiosity that a subject matter expert might not have. Here’s one idea I give my students: In your introduction, you can pose a question, and then, in your essay body, work your way to a persuasive answer—this is your thesis. In each paragraph, analyze evidence and make a claim that takes you one step forward in your thinking process, leading to your conclusion. Or keep your thesis in the introduction and argue for it with total conviction. But explain, if only to yourself, why your thesis was once in doubt. Because in a logical argument, your conviction must be earned, shaped by the evidence and not the other way around. If you think that starting an essay with uncertainty sounds harder than writing a five-paragraph essay, you are right. In our classes, many of my colleagues and I teach a letter by the poet John Keats, in which he claims Shakespeare’s genius lay in his “negative capability”—in his ability to tolerate “uncertainties, mysteries, doubts, without any irritable reaching after fact and reason.”Uncertainty can make us irritable, especially when confronted with assigned essays. We just want to state a thesis and be done with it—or at least that’s how I felt as an undergrad agonizing over essays at three o’clock in the morning. Still, it’s in this moment of uncertainty that we can see another point of view, arrive at a new idea, or come to a compromise. This perspective is necessary in writing, politics, and college itself, where every discipline is driven by the unknown. Stuart Firestein, Chair of the Department of Biological Sciences at Columbia University, runs a seminar called “Ignorance” in which he invites a scientist each week to describe his or her field’s many unanswered questions. In the same way, being a writer has little to do with arguing a claim to the bitter end and everything to do with acknowledging that an argument worth making is full of complications and contradictions—that there are no simple truths. But then, just as a scientist must test a hypothesis to arrive at new knowledge, a writer must move out of uncertainty, testing her ideas to arrive at a conclusion, working with humility, open-mindedness, and care. That this is not at all Trump’s way of making an argument might explain its appeal. Perhaps Trump’s remaining fans are not craving tighter immigration laws or a fantasy of 1950s America, but the fantasy of the rhetoric itself–a way of understanding the world that is simple and certain and full of passionate intensity. This certainty is what people want from political rhetoric generally, argues novelist Zadie Smith in a 2009 essay considering President Obama’s very different rhetoric—intellectual, complex, and multi-voiced. For Smith, Obama’s “negative capability” is in stark contrast to what a recent Shakespearean scholar dubs “ideological heroism”—that is, “the fierce, self-immolating embrace of an idea or institution.” Reluctantly, Smith writes that while Americans might like uncertainty in our writers, we still prefer ideological heroism in our politicians: “We consider pragmatists to be weak. We call men of balance naive fools.”Indeed, when Trump recently “softened” on immigration, he reportedly lost support. His fiery rhetoric is just what he needs to move the crowds who already agree with him. But it is decidedly not what makes for an essay that is humanist and inclusive—an essay that leads to illumination. So this is what I will tell my freshman next week: no matter our politics, Trump’s kind of certainty is precisely the sort we should question in ourselves, starting with every thesis we put to the page., we’ve spent the last 13 years producing uncompromising journalism. More than 80% of our finances come from readers like you. And we’re constantly working to produce a magazine that deserves you—a magazine that is a platform for ideas fostering justice, equality, and civic action. Free donald trump papers, essays. You may also sort these by color rating or essay length. Title. SWOT Analysis Mc Donald’s India -.

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Details and <b>Analysis</b> of <b>Donald</b> <b>Trump</b>'s Tax Plan - Tax Foundation

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by .6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or .9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises 7 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises 3 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction (.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction (

Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Free donald trump Essays and Papers - At lunch, a fellow composition instructor and I wondered how to explain to our incoming freshman Trump’s appeal. In his speeches, Trump is so insistent on his claims and so dismissive of facts that he last month he made headlines when he claimed regret for sometimes saying “the wrong thing.”While it’s tempting to dismiss Trump’s rhetoric as a fluke, his apparent guiding principle—to never be wrong—is hardly unique to American politics, in which speakers must somehow both speak in sound-bitesized quotes and have perfectly consistent messaging. Further, this insistence on being right is at the heart of American argumentation itself, at least as it is taught in high school. Every fall at Columbia University, I sit down to a seminar table full of bright, thoughtful freshmen who have somehow come to believe that the goal of a written argument is to win a fight. They’ve gotten As and high SAT scores writing essays that aim to do just that. The problem is that these essays are not how professors actually want students to write, let alone how any of us should make a political argument. So as we launch into the school year, it’s worth asking how the Trumpian goal of winning has infected the American student essay and what we can do about it. Like many, I blame the five-paragraph essay, which has been drilled into students since homework was chalked onto slates. You probably remember from middle school how they go: To begin, make a debatable statement—this is your thesis and you will put it at the end of paragraph #1. Then, state three reasons why you are right, providing a paragraph of evidence for each. Conclude by restating your thesis, because you were right all along. College professors are not generally fond of the five-paragraph essay and its descendants—essays that, even if more complex, are still driven by a thesis that must be defended at all costs, including civility and really grappling with conflicting evidence. The tone of such an essay is best described by the words of my ninth-grade homeroom teacher: has an attitude problem. David Rosenwasser and Jill Stephen, authors of a widely taught composition textbook, argue that college freshman should move beyond the five-paragraph essay as soon as possible. My students, when so advised, often feel liberated but confused, if not justifiably betrayed: Is everything they’ve been taught about writing wrong? To begin, we need to define an argument as something more than a bombardment of reasons for why we are right. ) Wayne Booth wrote that rather than writing only “win rhetoric,” aimed to forcibly pull the listener to the speaker’s side, we should try out “listening rhetoric,” which deeply considers another point of view and counterarguments, no matter how disagreeable. We should also free the essay from its five-paragraph chains. As imagined by French Renaissance philosopher Montaigne, means “to try”—a writerly attitude I find inspirational. Rather than trying to fight for some impossible universal truth, it’s enough to explain your own interpretation of a subject, a thinking process often launched by your deep curiosity. Even in a formal academic essay, with its rigorous analysis of evidence, this is a useful position to try: to begin an argument not from “settled convictions,” as Rosenwasser and Stephen put it, but from uncertainty. In my experience, students with very different writing backgrounds have found this concept helpful, even liberating, because it means their newness to a subject can give them a real advantage: a fresh perspective and curiosity that a subject matter expert might not have. Here’s one idea I give my students: In your introduction, you can pose a question, and then, in your essay body, work your way to a persuasive answer—this is your thesis. In each paragraph, analyze evidence and make a claim that takes you one step forward in your thinking process, leading to your conclusion. Or keep your thesis in the introduction and argue for it with total conviction. But explain, if only to yourself, why your thesis was once in doubt. Because in a logical argument, your conviction must be earned, shaped by the evidence and not the other way around. If you think that starting an essay with uncertainty sounds harder than writing a five-paragraph essay, you are right. In our classes, many of my colleagues and I teach a letter by the poet John Keats, in which he claims Shakespeare’s genius lay in his “negative capability”—in his ability to tolerate “uncertainties, mysteries, doubts, without any irritable reaching after fact and reason.”Uncertainty can make us irritable, especially when confronted with assigned essays. We just want to state a thesis and be done with it—or at least that’s how I felt as an undergrad agonizing over essays at three o’clock in the morning. Still, it’s in this moment of uncertainty that we can see another point of view, arrive at a new idea, or come to a compromise. This perspective is necessary in writing, politics, and college itself, where every discipline is driven by the unknown. Stuart Firestein, Chair of the Department of Biological Sciences at Columbia University, runs a seminar called “Ignorance” in which he invites a scientist each week to describe his or her field’s many unanswered questions. In the same way, being a writer has little to do with arguing a claim to the bitter end and everything to do with acknowledging that an argument worth making is full of complications and contradictions—that there are no simple truths. But then, just as a scientist must test a hypothesis to arrive at new knowledge, a writer must move out of uncertainty, testing her ideas to arrive at a conclusion, working with humility, open-mindedness, and care. That this is not at all Trump’s way of making an argument might explain its appeal. Perhaps Trump’s remaining fans are not craving tighter immigration laws or a fantasy of 1950s America, but the fantasy of the rhetoric itself–a way of understanding the world that is simple and certain and full of passionate intensity. This certainty is what people want from political rhetoric generally, argues novelist Zadie Smith in a 2009 essay considering President Obama’s very different rhetoric—intellectual, complex, and multi-voiced. For Smith, Obama’s “negative capability” is in stark contrast to what a recent Shakespearean scholar dubs “ideological heroism”—that is, “the fierce, self-immolating embrace of an idea or institution.” Reluctantly, Smith writes that while Americans might like uncertainty in our writers, we still prefer ideological heroism in our politicians: “We consider pragmatists to be weak. We call men of balance naive fools.”Indeed, when Trump recently “softened” on immigration, he reportedly lost support. His fiery rhetoric is just what he needs to move the crowds who already agree with him. But it is decidedly not what makes for an essay that is humanist and inclusive—an essay that leads to illumination. So this is what I will tell my freshman next week: no matter our politics, Trump’s kind of certainty is precisely the sort we should question in ourselves, starting with every thesis we put to the page., we’ve spent the last 13 years producing uncompromising journalism. More than 80% of our finances come from readers like you. And we’re constantly working to produce a magazine that deserves you—a magazine that is a platform for ideas fostering justice, equality, and civic action. Free donald trump papers, essays. You may also sort these by color rating or essay length. Title. SWOT Analysis Mc Donald’s India -.

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax (8 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses (0 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at

Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Free donald trump Essays and Papers - At lunch, a fellow composition instructor and I wondered how to explain to our incoming freshman Trump’s appeal. In his speeches, Trump is so insistent on his claims and so dismissive of facts that he last month he made headlines when he claimed regret for sometimes saying “the wrong thing.”While it’s tempting to dismiss Trump’s rhetoric as a fluke, his apparent guiding principle—to never be wrong—is hardly unique to American politics, in which speakers must somehow both speak in sound-bitesized quotes and have perfectly consistent messaging. Further, this insistence on being right is at the heart of American argumentation itself, at least as it is taught in high school. Every fall at Columbia University, I sit down to a seminar table full of bright, thoughtful freshmen who have somehow come to believe that the goal of a written argument is to win a fight. They’ve gotten As and high SAT scores writing essays that aim to do just that. The problem is that these essays are not how professors actually want students to write, let alone how any of us should make a political argument. So as we launch into the school year, it’s worth asking how the Trumpian goal of winning has infected the American student essay and what we can do about it. Like many, I blame the five-paragraph essay, which has been drilled into students since homework was chalked onto slates. You probably remember from middle school how they go: To begin, make a debatable statement—this is your thesis and you will put it at the end of paragraph #1. Then, state three reasons why you are right, providing a paragraph of evidence for each. Conclude by restating your thesis, because you were right all along. College professors are not generally fond of the five-paragraph essay and its descendants—essays that, even if more complex, are still driven by a thesis that must be defended at all costs, including civility and really grappling with conflicting evidence. The tone of such an essay is best described by the words of my ninth-grade homeroom teacher: has an attitude problem. David Rosenwasser and Jill Stephen, authors of a widely taught composition textbook, argue that college freshman should move beyond the five-paragraph essay as soon as possible. My students, when so advised, often feel liberated but confused, if not justifiably betrayed: Is everything they’ve been taught about writing wrong? To begin, we need to define an argument as something more than a bombardment of reasons for why we are right. ) Wayne Booth wrote that rather than writing only “win rhetoric,” aimed to forcibly pull the listener to the speaker’s side, we should try out “listening rhetoric,” which deeply considers another point of view and counterarguments, no matter how disagreeable. We should also free the essay from its five-paragraph chains. As imagined by French Renaissance philosopher Montaigne, means “to try”—a writerly attitude I find inspirational. Rather than trying to fight for some impossible universal truth, it’s enough to explain your own interpretation of a subject, a thinking process often launched by your deep curiosity. Even in a formal academic essay, with its rigorous analysis of evidence, this is a useful position to try: to begin an argument not from “settled convictions,” as Rosenwasser and Stephen put it, but from uncertainty. In my experience, students with very different writing backgrounds have found this concept helpful, even liberating, because it means their newness to a subject can give them a real advantage: a fresh perspective and curiosity that a subject matter expert might not have. Here’s one idea I give my students: In your introduction, you can pose a question, and then, in your essay body, work your way to a persuasive answer—this is your thesis. In each paragraph, analyze evidence and make a claim that takes you one step forward in your thinking process, leading to your conclusion. Or keep your thesis in the introduction and argue for it with total conviction. But explain, if only to yourself, why your thesis was once in doubt. Because in a logical argument, your conviction must be earned, shaped by the evidence and not the other way around. If you think that starting an essay with uncertainty sounds harder than writing a five-paragraph essay, you are right. In our classes, many of my colleagues and I teach a letter by the poet John Keats, in which he claims Shakespeare’s genius lay in his “negative capability”—in his ability to tolerate “uncertainties, mysteries, doubts, without any irritable reaching after fact and reason.”Uncertainty can make us irritable, especially when confronted with assigned essays. We just want to state a thesis and be done with it—or at least that’s how I felt as an undergrad agonizing over essays at three o’clock in the morning. Still, it’s in this moment of uncertainty that we can see another point of view, arrive at a new idea, or come to a compromise. This perspective is necessary in writing, politics, and college itself, where every discipline is driven by the unknown. Stuart Firestein, Chair of the Department of Biological Sciences at Columbia University, runs a seminar called “Ignorance” in which he invites a scientist each week to describe his or her field’s many unanswered questions. In the same way, being a writer has little to do with arguing a claim to the bitter end and everything to do with acknowledging that an argument worth making is full of complications and contradictions—that there are no simple truths. But then, just as a scientist must test a hypothesis to arrive at new knowledge, a writer must move out of uncertainty, testing her ideas to arrive at a conclusion, working with humility, open-mindedness, and care. That this is not at all Trump’s way of making an argument might explain its appeal. Perhaps Trump’s remaining fans are not craving tighter immigration laws or a fantasy of 1950s America, but the fantasy of the rhetoric itself–a way of understanding the world that is simple and certain and full of passionate intensity. This certainty is what people want from political rhetoric generally, argues novelist Zadie Smith in a 2009 essay considering President Obama’s very different rhetoric—intellectual, complex, and multi-voiced. For Smith, Obama’s “negative capability” is in stark contrast to what a recent Shakespearean scholar dubs “ideological heroism”—that is, “the fierce, self-immolating embrace of an idea or institution.” Reluctantly, Smith writes that while Americans might like uncertainty in our writers, we still prefer ideological heroism in our politicians: “We consider pragmatists to be weak. We call men of balance naive fools.”Indeed, when Trump recently “softened” on immigration, he reportedly lost support. His fiery rhetoric is just what he needs to move the crowds who already agree with him. But it is decidedly not what makes for an essay that is humanist and inclusive—an essay that leads to illumination. So this is what I will tell my freshman next week: no matter our politics, Trump’s kind of certainty is precisely the sort we should question in ourselves, starting with every thesis we put to the page., we’ve spent the last 13 years producing uncompromising journalism. More than 80% of our finances come from readers like you. And we’re constantly working to produce a magazine that deserves you—a magazine that is a platform for ideas fostering justice, equality, and civic action. Free donald trump papers, essays. You may also sort these by color rating or essay length. Title. SWOT Analysis Mc Donald’s India -.

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between .4 trillion and .9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between .6 trillion and .9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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Help With My Esl Rhetorical Analysis Essay People have different preferences towards available life options. Children, husbands, friends, country, credit, health, wealth, honour, may be done without; but. Nudge: improving decisions about health, wealth, and happiness. Homework help Why do a writer need to seek approval of other than themselves.? ASSOCIATION Pushing Gravity Research Announces Breakthrough — Essay Competition; Booklet

Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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An <b>analysis</b> of <b>Donald</b> <b>Trump</b>'s inaugural speech - The Boston Globe

An analysis of Donald Trump's inaugural speech - The Boston Globe A persuasive essay is a form of academic writing that is built around a central argument. These essays are sometimes called argumentative essays because of this. In this category of composition, the writer aims to persuade the reader to accept his or her... Jan 20, 2017. President Donald Trump's inaugural address perfectly echoed the tone and tenor of the campaign that swept him into office — blunt, populist, and relentlessly inward-looking for a nation that's long defined itself as a global power. It was a speech that couldn't have broken more sharply with the past.

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Free donald trump Essays and Papers - At lunch, a fellow composition instructor and I wondered how to explain to our incoming freshman Trump’s appeal. In his speeches, Trump is so insistent on his claims and so dismissive of facts that he last month he made headlines when he claimed regret for sometimes saying “the wrong thing.”While it’s tempting to dismiss Trump’s rhetoric as a fluke, his apparent guiding principle—to never be wrong—is hardly unique to American politics, in which speakers must somehow both speak in sound-bitesized quotes and have perfectly consistent messaging. Further, this insistence on being right is at the heart of American argumentation itself, at least as it is taught in high school. Every fall at Columbia University, I sit down to a seminar table full of bright, thoughtful freshmen who have somehow come to believe that the goal of a written argument is to win a fight. They’ve gotten As and high SAT scores writing essays that aim to do just that. The problem is that these essays are not how professors actually want students to write, let alone how any of us should make a political argument. So as we launch into the school year, it’s worth asking how the Trumpian goal of winning has infected the American student essay and what we can do about it. Like many, I blame the five-paragraph essay, which has been drilled into students since homework was chalked onto slates. You probably remember from middle school how they go: To begin, make a debatable statement—this is your thesis and you will put it at the end of paragraph #1. Then, state three reasons why you are right, providing a paragraph of evidence for each. Conclude by restating your thesis, because you were right all along. College professors are not generally fond of the five-paragraph essay and its descendants—essays that, even if more complex, are still driven by a thesis that must be defended at all costs, including civility and really grappling with conflicting evidence. The tone of such an essay is best described by the words of my ninth-grade homeroom teacher: has an attitude problem. David Rosenwasser and Jill Stephen, authors of a widely taught composition textbook, argue that college freshman should move beyond the five-paragraph essay as soon as possible. My students, when so advised, often feel liberated but confused, if not justifiably betrayed: Is everything they’ve been taught about writing wrong? To begin, we need to define an argument as something more than a bombardment of reasons for why we are right. ) Wayne Booth wrote that rather than writing only “win rhetoric,” aimed to forcibly pull the listener to the speaker’s side, we should try out “listening rhetoric,” which deeply considers another point of view and counterarguments, no matter how disagreeable. We should also free the essay from its five-paragraph chains. As imagined by French Renaissance philosopher Montaigne, means “to try”—a writerly attitude I find inspirational. Rather than trying to fight for some impossible universal truth, it’s enough to explain your own interpretation of a subject, a thinking process often launched by your deep curiosity. Even in a formal academic essay, with its rigorous analysis of evidence, this is a useful position to try: to begin an argument not from “settled convictions,” as Rosenwasser and Stephen put it, but from uncertainty. In my experience, students with very different writing backgrounds have found this concept helpful, even liberating, because it means their newness to a subject can give them a real advantage: a fresh perspective and curiosity that a subject matter expert might not have. Here’s one idea I give my students: In your introduction, you can pose a question, and then, in your essay body, work your way to a persuasive answer—this is your thesis. In each paragraph, analyze evidence and make a claim that takes you one step forward in your thinking process, leading to your conclusion. Or keep your thesis in the introduction and argue for it with total conviction. But explain, if only to yourself, why your thesis was once in doubt. Because in a logical argument, your conviction must be earned, shaped by the evidence and not the other way around. If you think that starting an essay with uncertainty sounds harder than writing a five-paragraph essay, you are right. In our classes, many of my colleagues and I teach a letter by the poet John Keats, in which he claims Shakespeare’s genius lay in his “negative capability”—in his ability to tolerate “uncertainties, mysteries, doubts, without any irritable reaching after fact and reason.”Uncertainty can make us irritable, especially when confronted with assigned essays. We just want to state a thesis and be done with it—or at least that’s how I felt as an undergrad agonizing over essays at three o’clock in the morning. Still, it’s in this moment of uncertainty that we can see another point of view, arrive at a new idea, or come to a compromise. This perspective is necessary in writing, politics, and college itself, where every discipline is driven by the unknown. Stuart Firestein, Chair of the Department of Biological Sciences at Columbia University, runs a seminar called “Ignorance” in which he invites a scientist each week to describe his or her field’s many unanswered questions. In the same way, being a writer has little to do with arguing a claim to the bitter end and everything to do with acknowledging that an argument worth making is full of complications and contradictions—that there are no simple truths. But then, just as a scientist must test a hypothesis to arrive at new knowledge, a writer must move out of uncertainty, testing her ideas to arrive at a conclusion, working with humility, open-mindedness, and care. That this is not at all Trump’s way of making an argument might explain its appeal. Perhaps Trump’s remaining fans are not craving tighter immigration laws or a fantasy of 1950s America, but the fantasy of the rhetoric itself–a way of understanding the world that is simple and certain and full of passionate intensity. This certainty is what people want from political rhetoric generally, argues novelist Zadie Smith in a 2009 essay considering President Obama’s very different rhetoric—intellectual, complex, and multi-voiced. For Smith, Obama’s “negative capability” is in stark contrast to what a recent Shakespearean scholar dubs “ideological heroism”—that is, “the fierce, self-immolating embrace of an idea or institution.” Reluctantly, Smith writes that while Americans might like uncertainty in our writers, we still prefer ideological heroism in our politicians: “We consider pragmatists to be weak. We call men of balance naive fools.”Indeed, when Trump recently “softened” on immigration, he reportedly lost support. His fiery rhetoric is just what he needs to move the crowds who already agree with him. But it is decidedly not what makes for an essay that is humanist and inclusive—an essay that leads to illumination. So this is what I will tell my freshman next week: no matter our politics, Trump’s kind of certainty is precisely the sort we should question in ourselves, starting with every thesis we put to the page., we’ve spent the last 13 years producing uncompromising journalism. More than 80% of our finances come from readers like you. And we’re constantly working to produce a magazine that deserves you—a magazine that is a platform for ideas fostering justice, equality, and civic action. Free donald trump papers, essays. You may also sort these by color rating or essay length. Title. SWOT Analysis Mc Donald’s India -.

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Write an essay on health is wealth – Shaken Udder Milkshakes Last Thursday in New York, Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a tax reform plan.[1] The plan would reform the individual income tax code by lowering marginal tax rates on wages, investment, and business income. Furthermore, it would broaden the individual income tax base. The plan would also lower the corporate income tax rate to 15 percent and modify the corporate income tax base. Finally, the plan would eliminate federal estate and gift taxes while eliminating step-up basis. Our analysis finds that the Trump tax plan would substantially reduce federal revenues from both individual income taxes and corporate income taxes. These reductions in revenue come primarily from lower rates on individuals and businesses. One particular tax rate, the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income, is not clearly specified in current plan documentation. Assuming that the individual income tax rate on pass-through business income is the same as the rates on other individual income, the Trump tax plan would reduce federal tax revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade. But if the tax rate on this income is instead intended to be the same as the tax rate on corporate business income, the plan would then reduce federal revenue by $5.9 trillion. In addition to these possibilities, which we see as upper and lower bounds for total revenue generation, the policy may reduce federal revenue somewhere in between.[2] The plan would also reduce marginal tax rates on labor and substantially reduce marginal tax rates on investment. As a result, we estimate that the plan would boost long-run GDP, raise wages, and increase the equilibrium level of full-time equivalent jobs. Due to the larger economy and the broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by less on a dynamic basis: by $2.6 trillion over the next decade, if pass-through income is taxed as ordinary individual income, or by $3.9 trillion under the alternate assumption, where pass-through income is taxed purely at business rates. Our analysis does not consider how or if this revenue loss would be financed, or the macroeconomic effects of such financing. Nor does it consider any policy proposals from Trump on subjects other than taxes, even though these are likely to have substantial effects on the economy as well. One policy question that has received some attention since the release of the speech is the tax rate on individual income derived from pass-through businesses. Before explaining why this policy question is important, it may be worthwhile to summarize what pass-through businesses are. Pass-throughs are businesses that pay their taxes through the individual income tax code rather than through the corporate code. Under current law, such businesses distribute all of their earnings to their owners every year, and such earnings immediately appear only on the owners’ tax returns. They are taxed at ordinary individual income tax rates. In contrast, traditional C corporations can retain earnings without distributing them immediately to any particular shareholder. This allows shareholders to defer, but not permanently avoid, personal income tax liability on the gain in wealth that is tied up in the corporation. A substantial tax drawback to C corporations, though, is that they have to pay two layers of tax: an entity level tax on retained profits, and the personal income taxes for the shareholders who receive the profits when they are disbursed. Donald Trump’s tax plan, as described on the website as of today, “will lower the business tax rate from 35 percent to 15 percent, and eliminate the corporate alternative minimum tax. This rate is available to all businesses, both big and small, that want to retain the profits within the business.” [5] The current state of the plan has led to multiple interpretations of the way that pass-through businesses would be taxed under Donald Trump’s tax plan. For example, two different facts were reported Friday by alone, on the same information. Trump is more consistent on the corporate side, recommending a more globally competitive income-tax rate of 15% for all businesses including pass-throughs.”[6] This editorial likely based its interpretation on the language of “all businesses, both big and small.” In contrast, a news article in reported it very differently:[7] Mr. Trump would lower the corporate tax rate from 35% to 15%. He also appeared to abandon a core plank of his earlier tax plans, which called for a 15% top tax rate on business income reported on individual tax returns, instead of taxing such income at the same rates as ordinary income. Small-business groups had praised the single business tax rate but the Clinton campaign criticized what it called the “Trump loophole,” because much of Mr. Trump’s business income is taxed on his own return and could have gotten the lower rate. The Trump campaign revised its website on this throughout Thursday. A late-day version suggested but didn’t say clearly that the lower rate is only available for corporations. Under this interpretation, the phrasing indicates that the 15 percent rate is only applicable to businesses that choose to become C corporations. One indicator is that the sentence describes lowering the rate from 35 percent, which is the current rate for C corporations. A second indicator is that it is available to businesses that want to retain the profits within the business, which is a property of C corporations. Under Donald Trump’s tax plan, as in current law, after paying the 15 percent rate on retained earnings, such a business would then presumably be subject to an additional layer of tax on individual income. One middle ground between the two interpretations may be the idea that the Donald Trump’s tax plan would allow more businesses to file their taxes in the way that C corporations do, even if their legal structure today would have them pay taxes as a pass-through. These businesses could instead adopt paying an entity-level tax and then reduced shareholder taxes. However, a simple calculation of rate parity would suggest that the total tax burden on C corporations in the Donald Trump’s tax plan is in fact not substantially different than the top individual rate. A 15 percent entity-level tax with a 20 percent tax on dividends comes out to a similar overall level of taxation as a 33 percent top individual rate. It is not immediately clear that pass-throughs would benefit from adding a second layer of taxation by opting for the 15 percent tax on their retained earnings. One potential reason a pass-through could opt to become a C corporation would be as a kind of savings vehicle for an individual taxpayer, where retained earnings were then invested into financial assets to delay individual taxes. While this would not be nearly as effective a savings vehicle as, for example, a 401(k), it could be an effective strategy for some individuals. This is probably not an intended side effect of the Trump proposal, which would prefer that the 15 percent rate apply to businesses, not glorified saving accounts. Presumably, regulations would be put in place to resolve this issue and disallow small corporations from investing in financial instruments that are not relevant to their line of business. Tax Foundation’s best understanding of the Trump proposal, after examining the totality of all statements made by the campaign, is that pass-throughs are not eligible for a single 15 percent tax rate on the individual income that their owners report; at best, they may be allowed to adopt some kind of tax status similar to that of C-corporations, either on a temporary or permanent basis.[8] In other words, our guess is that there is no means by which a business could get a single layer of taxation at a rate of 15 percent. However, we also acknowledge the arguments of those who perceive things differently. Therefore, we will report an upper bound and a lower bound on the tax reform, based on the two most extreme possible assumptions regarding current pass-through businesses. At the high end, we will analyze the plan assuming that such businesses pay individual rates of up to 33 percent on their income. At the low end, we will estimate the plan assuming that these businesses pay a 15 percent rate on pass-through income on the individual Form 1040. The former will be referred to as the higher-rate assumption, and the latter will be referred to as the lower-rate assumption. While these two assumptions may not be the only possible ways to understand the plan, they provide the best upper and lower bounds on most of the numbers contained in our analysis. According to the Tax Foundation’s Taxes and Growth Model, the Trump tax plan would increase the long-run size of the economy by 6.9 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 2). The larger economy would result in 5.4 percent higher wages and a 20.1 percent larger capital stock under the higher-rate assumption, or 6.3 percent higher wages and a 23.9 percent larger capital stock under the lower-rate assumption. The plan would also result in 1.8 million more full-time equivalent jobs under the higher-rate assumption, or 2.2 million more under the lower-rate assumption. real GDP will grow by 19.2% from 2016-2025, according to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), even if policy remains unchanged.[9] This paper predicts that the greater incentives for labor and investment provided by this tax reform plan would increase the end-of-period GDP by an additional 6.9% under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.2 percent under the lower-rate assumption, over and beyond the baseline growth already predicted. These projections are measured as of the end of a ten-year period (that is, 2016-2025) and they are compared to the underlying baseline of what would occur under current policy. The larger economy and higher wages are due chiefly to the significantly lower cost of capital under the proposal, which is due to the lower corporate income tax rate and expensing for those firms that choose to adopt it instead of deducting interest. These projections do not include the economic effects of proposals by Trump that are not specifically tax-related. For example, spending, trade, and immigration proposals are not part of this analysis, even though they are likely to affect the economy substantially and they are therefore worthy of consideration. Trade policy may intersect with tax policy in the specific case of tariffs. While no specific tariffs have been enumerated as part of the plan analyzed here, they have been discussed by Trump in the past. A tariff is a differentiated tax on consumption, which would reduce growth predicted by the Taxes and Growth model and raise revenue inefficiently. If fully enacted, the proposal would reduce federal revenue by $4.4 trillion over the next decade on a static basis under the higher-rate assumption, or $5.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption (Table 4). The plan would reduce individual income tax revenue by $2.2 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.7 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. Corporate tax revenue would fall by $1.9 trillion in both cases, and the remainder of the revenue loss would be due to the repeal of estate and gift taxes. On a dynamic basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by $2.6 trillion over the next decade under the higher-rate assumption, or $3.9 trillion under the lower-rate assumption. The larger economy would boost wages and thus broaden both the income and payroll tax bases. As a result, on a dynamic basis, payroll tax revenues would increase substantially, and income tax revenues would decrease by less than they do under the static analysis. On the other hand, corporate income tax revenue would actually decline even more on a dynamic basis. This is because the plan will encourage more investment and result in businesses deducting more capital investments, which would reduce corporate taxable income. Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Numbers are listed with the higher-rate assumption first and the lower-rate assumption second, where applicable. Donald Trump’s tax plan contains some noteworthy base broadeners. For example, its limitation on itemized deductions raises $397 billion in individual income tax revenue over ten years relative to current law. On the business side, its repeal of Section 199 and several other corporate tax expenditures raises $213 billion.[10] The largest sources of revenue loss in the plan come from the corporate rate reduction ($2.1 trillion), the individual income tax reduction ($1.4 trillion), the repeal of the Net Investment Income Tax ($628 billion), and the reforms for childcare-related expenses ($500 billion.) The lower-rate assumption, if applicable, would be the second largest source of static revenue loss in the plan, at $1.5 trillion. The majority of the plan’s economic impact comes from its corporate income tax reductions and reforms. These provide 4.5 percentage points of GDP growth out of the 6.9 percent total predicted by the Taxes and Growth Model under the higher-rate assumption. Under the lower-rate assumption, an additional 1.3 percent is added to long-run GDP. (Figure 5) The corporate income tax is a substantial burden on investment in the U. The United States has the developed world’s highest corporate income tax rate at 35 percent. The 15 percent rate proposed here would be among the lowest in the developed world. corporate income tax reduces economic output more than other taxes do, which explains why the corporate tax cut produces the majority of the economic impact of this plan.[11] On a static basis, the Trump tax plan would increase the after-tax incomes of taxpayers in every income group. The Taxes and Growth model finds that the rate reduction alone would lead to a 4.1 percent increase in the long-run level of GDP. The bottom 80 percent of taxpayers (those in the bottom four quintiles) would see an increase in after-tax income between 0.8 percent and 1.9 percent, under both policy assumptions. Taxpayers in the top quintile would see a 4.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 8.7 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Those in the top decile would see a 5.4 percent increase in after-tax income under the higher-rate assumption, or 9.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Finally, taxpayers in the top 1 percent would see the largest increase in after-tax income on a static basis, driven by both the lower top marginal tax rate and the lower corporate income tax. Under the higher-rate assumption this increase would be 10.2 percent, and under the lower-rate assumption this increase would be 16.0 percent. On a dynamic basis, all taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of at least 6.7 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 7.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. The top 1 percent of taxpayers would see an increase in after-tax income of 12.2 percent on a dynamic basis under the higher-rate assumption, or 19.9 percent under the lower-rate assumption. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. When two numbers are listed in a column, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. This plan differs in a number of respects from the last complete Trump tax reform plan, released in September of 2015.[12] It has generally higher rates and a significantly broader individual income tax base. However, it preserves the lower corporate income tax rate of the original plan. In total, the new 2016 Trump plan is a substantially smaller tax cut than the 2015 Trump plan, on a static basis (Table 7). Source: Tax Foundation Taxes and Growth Model, March 2016. Note: Individual items may not sum to total due to rounding. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. Because the 2016 plan is a smaller static tax cut overall than the 2015 plan, the changes in after-tax income for many taxpayers have become relatively smaller. The 2015 plan would have increased mean after-tax personal incomes by 9.2 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase them by only 3.1 percent under the higher-rate assumption, or 4.3 percent under the lower-rate assumption (Table 9). This large change is mostly attributable to the fact that more income is taxable under the 2016 plan, and secondarily attributable to the fact that the rates on taxable income are higher. Source: Tax Foundation, Taxes and Growth Model (March 2016 version) Note: Returns with Positive Income. Display reflects a new analysis of the 2015 plan based on new economic data, not the analysis of the plan that was conducted at the time it was proposed. For the 2016 plan, when two numbers are listed, the number on the left reflects the higher-rate assumption and the number on the right reflects the lower-rate assumption. While the 2016 plan is a larger tax cut than the 2015 plan in most respects, it has more in the way of benefits to the lowest quintile. The 2015 plan would have increased after-tax incomes for that quintile by only 0.7 percent, while the 2016 plan would increase the after-tax incomes for that quintile by 1.2 percent. This difference is almost entirely attributable to the refundable credit for childcare implemented as part of the 2016 plan, which was not present in the 2015 plan. Donald Trump’s tax plan as outlined in September 2016 is a large tax cut, mostly on individual and corporate income. This plan would significantly reduce the cost of capital and reduce the marginal tax rate on labor. These changes in the incentives to work and invest would increase the U. economy’s size in the long run, boost wages, and result in more full-time equivalent jobs. On a static basis, the plan would reduce federal revenue by between $4.4 trillion and $5.9 trillion, depending on policy assumptions about business tax rates. However, due to the larger economy and the significantly broader tax base, the plan would reduce revenue by between $2.6 trillion and $3.9 trillion over the next decade, depending on those same policy assumptions. In all cases, it would increase after-tax incomes for all income groups, but reduce revenue to the Treasury. The Taxes and Growth Model does not take into account the fiscal or economic effects of interest on debt. It also does not require budgets to balance over the long term, nor does it account for the potential macroeconomic or distributional effects of any changes to government spending that may accompany Donald Trump’s tax plan. This plan is a large net tax cut, and therefore, the need to finance it is likely to have macroeconomic impacts of its own. These macroeconomic impacts could vary depending on how and if the tax cut is financed. We modeled all provisions outlined above, with the exception of the new dependent care saving accounts, and assumed that all provisions were enacted in the beginning of 2016. We accounted for potential transitional costs for provisions such as expensing. Both the static and dynamic revenue impacts of the plan are relative to the CBO’s current law baseline. In modeling the distributional impact of the plan we follow the convention that changes to the corporate income tax are passed to capital and labor. We assume on a static basis that 25 percent of the corporate tax change is passed to labor and 75 percent is passed to capital. On a dynamic basis, changes to the corporate income tax fall on capital and labor in proportion to their share of factor income: roughly 70 percent labor and 30 percent capital. [4] Our reading of the intent of the plan is that step-up basis would be disallowed and that the gain would be subject to tax when the inheritor sells the asset, not upon the death of the decedent. In this simulation, economists found that eliminating the corporate income tax and replacing it with a consumption tax would raise GDP by 8 percent. This is the understanding most consistent with the idea that the plan “will repeal the death tax.” [7] Nick Timaraos and Richard Rubin, “Donald Trump Promises Tax Cuts, Offset by Robust Growth”, September 15, 2016, [12] While the previous plan was removed from the Trump campaign website, the Tax Foundation analysis from September 2015 can be found here: https://taxfoundation.org/article/details-and-analysis-donald-trump-s-tax-plan. [10] While base broadeners raise tax revenue, they also make ensuing rate cuts, such as the ones in this plan, more costly to the Treasury because the rate reduction counts against a larger tax base. [11] For a similar but more robust finding on the corporate income tax see: Hans Fehr, Sabine Jokisch, Ashwin Kambhampati, and Laurence J. Results 1 - 100 of 100. Write an essay on health is wealth. Best research paper writers sites nyc. People have different preferences towards available life options. Health, Wealth, Beauty. 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